Mark Kurlansky’s magnum opus Nonviolence: Twenty-Five Lessons from the History of a Dangerous Idea has been on my reading list for two years now, but Barnes and Noble has continually thwarted me. In other news, I applied for my first real library card the other day. Put those two things together, and I finally got to cram my head full of information on the history of this outrageously successful idea.
The book encompasses a wide range of world histories and religious text, but the bulk of it is focused on EuroChristian and American history (highlighting the constant internal battle of violence vs. nonviolence). It is said the victors tell (or revise) the story of history, and since the victors are generally the ones with lots of guns, the outrageous success of nonviolence whenever it is tried (almost without failure) is easily put aside. If you are interested in the history of an idea that is generally labeled dangerous, unpatriotic, foolish, and unmanly, I highly recommend this book.
And if you’ve ever heard about how Christianity was 100% nonviolent and opposed to all things warfare in its early days, and you wonder how we got here from there, this book is an excellent case study.
The Twenty Five Lessons
*Kurlansky’s own words in italics
1. There is no proactive word for nonviolence. Not in any language or culture or religion. The idea is untried enough that there has not been a need for a positive word that is not the mere negation of another that is often used (-violence).
2. Nations that build military forces as deterrents will eventually use them.
3. Practitioners of nonviolence are seen as enemies of the state.
4. Once a state takes over a religion, the religion loses its nonviolent teachings.
5. A rebel can be defanged and co-opted by making him a saint after he is dead. Ghandi was a nice old idealist. Jesus was interested in saving souls. King was a good guy for a time back when America still had racism. Martin of Tours, sainted because of this soldiers unwillingness to fight anymore, is made into a patron saint for the US Army. If someone were to come along who would not compromise, a rebel who insisted on taking the only moral path, rejecting violence in all its forms, such a person would seem so menacing that he would be killed, and after his death he would be canonized or deified, because a saint is less dangerous than a rebel.
6. Somewhere behind every war there are always a few founding lies. Historically, the most typical lies have included that the war is “defensive” or for “freedom/liberty.” The enemy is enshrowded with rumors and conspiracies; he thinks of nothing but evil and will not stop without a violent intervention. The enemy leaders don’t think like civilized people do. We had no fault in the matter, of course. But whatever it is, there are always lies.
7. A propaganda machine promoting hatred always has a war waiting in the wings. When you see allusions to the past with vague and grandiose descriptors like “evil” or “madman,” you will soon be committed to war.
8. People who go to war start to resemble their enemy. It’s no secret that one wrong turn tends to justify another in our minds. No where is this truer than when your purpose in a war zone is to break and hurt.
9. A conflict between a violent and a nonviolent force is a moral argument. If the violent side can provoke the nonviolent side into violence, the violent side has won. There are lots of stories in history where a nonviolent movement became fed up and took a violent turn. They all die out remarkably fast at that point.
10. The problem lies not in the nature of man but in the nature of power. It’s been observed that all men with power want one thing more than all else: more power. And once power is gained by a person or a state, anything will be prepared for, done, and justified to defend that status.
11. The longer a war lasts, the less popular it becomes. People tire of violence and become disappointed with how different and fruitless it is compared with the promises the people buy before a war.
12. The state imagines it is impotent without a military because it cannot conceive of power without force. We are capable of some beautifully brave and powerful things, but we are so trained to think of real power as force, a strong power over people to have our way. The state is particularly prone to this impairment.
13. It is often not the largest but the best organized and most articulate group that prevails. In America’s memory has generally forgotten that nonviolent religious sects far outnumbered those calling for independence from Britain without violence. But the nonviolent sects were quite silent, hence they lost the fight for violence and were forgotten by history.
14. All debate momentarily ends with an “enforced silence” once the first shots are fired. A great violent tragedy or first skirmish effectively marginalizes any voice calling for peace without violence.
15. A shooting war is not necessary to overthrow an established power but is used to consolidate the revolution itself. If a revolution can be made to include a war, the post-revolutionary power will have no problem framing violence as necessary for peace in the minds of the general public. It is no coincidence that countries birthed without violent revolution tend to put much less emphasis on militaries.
16. Violence does not resolve. It always leads to more violence. Wars create “peace,” which is merely a veneer for an armistice lasting a few years until unresolved tensions mutate into new alliances and wars in different (usually, not always) regions.
17. Warfare produces peace activists. A group of veterans is a likely place to find peace activists.
18. People motivated by fear do not act well.
19. While it is perfectly feasible to convince a people faced with brutal repression to rise up in suicidal attack on their oppressor, it is almost impossible to convince them to meet deadly violence with nonviolent resistance. This is a significant reason why a brilliantly successful strategy of nonviolence is so rarely tried.
20. Wars do not have to be sold to the general public if they can be carried out by an all-volunteer professional military.
21. Once you start the business of killing, you just get “deeper and deeper,” without limits.
22. Violence always comes with a supposedly rational explanation- which is only dismissed as irrational if the violence fails.
23. Violence is a virus that infects and takes over. Seeing the continual failure of violence to establish peace has not lead to less violence; it has lead to more. In the past 6,000 year, there have been approximately 50 years untainted by war, and the trend is growing.
24. The miracle is that despite all of society’s promotion of warfare, most soldiers find warfare to be a wrenching departure from their own moral values.
25. The hard work of beginning a movement to end war has already been done.
On the immorality of total pacifism and the superiority of active and creative nonviolence, one unmanly, foolish activist once said:
“The kind of pacifism that does not actively combat the war preparations of the governments is powerless and will always stay powerless. Would that the conscience and common sense of the people awaken!”
-Albert Einstein
It reminds me of prophets that dreaming of a day when a just people would beat their swords into plowshares as we realized that redemptive violence becomes an illusory myth in time, that a people who lives by the sword will die by the sword, and that it is far more disarming to love enemies than it is to mirror them!
Posted by taddelay
Posted by taddelay 
Posted by taddelay
People got worked up about it, of course. I don’t think he meant to sound syncrotistic, but that was the charge nonetheless. Religions are more than beliefs; they are cultures too. And these three religions happen to be responsible for an enormous amount of violence in the world today (especially the two on either end). I think the prophet from Dublin was calling for coexistance of people groups, rather than the charged syncrotisazion of all religions. Just my two cents.
